Editorial Note
The history of the Rohingya is politically contested because Myanmar’s authorities—especially since the military seized power in 1962—together with Rakhine nationalist circles, have systematically sought to rewrite and falsify the Rohingya people’s historical connection to Arakan/Rakhine. For decades, the Rohingya have been portrayed as “Bengali” or as foreign immigrants in order to weaken their claims to identity, citizenship, land rights and political belonging.
From the Rohingya perspective, Arakan/Rakhine is not a foreign country but their historical homeland. Rohingya sources and several historical accounts also indicate that the population composition of Arakan/Rakhine has been dramatically altered through state discrimination, displacement, violence and deliberate demographic policies. While millions of Rohingya have over time been forced to flee the country, the Rakhine population increased substantially during the same period. Rohingya communities also maintain that the authorities, particularly during and after the military operations of the 1990s, established new villages and settlements by relocating Rakhine people, including people from Bangladesh’s Chittagong Hill Tracts and other areas.
According to Rohingya sources and earlier UN-related estimates, the Rohingya population was approximately three million at the beginning of the 1990s, considerably larger than it is today. Had normal population growth continued without displacement, statelessness, violence and mass flight, the Rohingya population in Arakan might now have reached approximately four million. Instead, only around 500,000 Rohingya remain in the area, while the majority live as refugees, stateless people or internally displaced persons.
This text draws on historical sources, Rohingya testimony, UN reports, human-rights organisations and recent updates through 2026. Figures vary between sources, particularly those concerning population size, deaths, displacement and new abuses during the ongoing war. Its purpose is therefore not only to describe the past, but also to show how history has been used as a political weapon to deny the Rohingya their rightful place in Arakan.
1. Early and Pre-Colonial Origins
Arakan, also known as the Kingdom of Arakan or Rakhine, was for centuries an independent coastal kingdom in what is now western Myanmar, formerly Burma. The region was strategically located between Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent. This position made Arakan a natural meeting place for trade, seafaring, languages, religion, culture and political influence.
Arakan maintained strong links both eastward with Buddhist and Burmese kingdoms and westward with Bengal, the Mughal Empire and Muslim trading networks. Arab merchants, sailors and settlers reached the coastal areas of the Bay of Bengal at an early stage. Over time, Muslim communities became part of Arakan’s diverse society.
Rohingya Muslims trace their roots back at least to the period between the eighth and fifteenth centuries. They point, among other things, to early Arab merchants, sailors, religious scholars and settlers who established themselves along the coast. Further arrivals occurred during the Mrauk U dynasty from the fifteenth to the eighteenth century. During this period, Muslim soldiers, courtiers, scribes, merchants and religious figures played important roles in Arakan’s political, administrative and economic life.
Many believe that the word “Rohingya” derives from “Rohang” or “Rakhanga,” names used for Arakan. For the Rohingya, the name therefore expresses a historical connection to Arakan. British sources from the late eighteenth century—including Dr Francis Buchanan-Hamilton’s account of 1799—refer to “Rooinga,” or Muslim inhabitants who had long been settled in Arakan. They were described as distinct from the Buddhist Rakhine/Arakanese population.
This early history is important because it shows that the Rohingya presence in Arakan cannot be reduced to migration during the colonial period. Colonial rule did create new migration patterns, but the Muslim presence in Arakan extends far back into the region’s history.
2. The Conquest of 1785 and Early Mass Flight
A dramatic turning point came in 1785, when the Burmese Konbaung Kingdom conquered Arakan. The conquest brought severe repression, executions, the destruction of communities and large-scale displacement. Many Arakanese people, including Muslims, fled westward to British Bengal.
By 1799, as many as 35,000 people are reported to have fled from Arakan to Bengal. This was among the first major mass displacements in the region’s modern history and shows that flight, abuses of power and ethnic and religious tensions have deep historical roots in Arakan.
3. The Colonial Period, 1824–1948
Britain conquered Arakan during the First Anglo-Burmese War (1824–1826). Arakan was then administered as part of British India until 1937. Through shared administration, trade and economic ties, the British colonial administration integrated the region more closely with Bengal and other parts of British India.
Rohingya travelled from Arakan to Bengal and onward to other parts of British India for employment, trade, education and public service. After the partition of British India in 1947, these migration patterns continued, with some settling in what was then East Pakistan—present-day Bangladesh—and others moving onward to West Pakistan.
The British administration recorded the population according to ethnicity, religion and origin. This contributed to reinforcing identity divisions between Rohingya Muslims and Rakhine Buddhists. At the same time, colonial economic and administrative policies created new social and political tensions. These tensions were later exploited in nationalist narratives and used to challenge the Rohingya’s historical connection to Arakan.
4. The Second World War and the Violence of 1942
During the Second World War, Arakan became an area of violent conflict. When Japan invaded Burma in 1942 and the British withdrew, a dangerous power vacuum emerged. The Rohingya largely supported the British, and some were armed by British forces. Many Rakhine, meanwhile, supported the Japanese. War, the spread of weapons, ethnic tensions and competing political loyalties led to extensive communal violence.
The violence of 1942 affected the Rohingya severely. Estimates vary, but Rohingya sources frequently cite approximately 100,000 deaths, between 22,000 and 80,000 refugees fleeing to Bengal, and the destruction of hundreds of villages. The events became a profound historical trauma and are regarded by many Rohingya as an early genocide or a major ethnic and religious expulsion.
Rohingya armed resistance groups also emerged during this period, including groups under leaders such as Jaffor Kawwal. When the British retook the area in 1945, many refugees returned. Distrust between the communities, however, did not disappear. The violence of 1942 left lasting wounds and contributed to the political divisions that would later shape Arakan.
5. Independence and Early Military Rule, 1948–1962
Burma became independent in 1948. The Rohingya demanded recognition and citizenship and, in some cases, autonomy or special rights in northern Arakan. During the first years after independence, Rohingya participated in politics, had local leaders and were represented in the country’s political life.
At the same time, the Rohingya never received full and secure recognition as one of the country’s national ethnic groups. Ethnic tensions between Rohingya Muslims and Rakhine Buddhists continued, and the authorities in Rangoon increasingly viewed northern Arakan through a security lens. This laid the foundations for later exclusion.
The Rohingya were increasingly portrayed as “Bengali” immigrants despite their historical connection to Arakan. This narrative was later used as a political justification for stripping them of rights and citizenship.
6. The Ne Win Era, Statelessness and Military Operations, 1962–1988
General Ne Win’s military coup in 1962 marked the beginning of a harsher and more nationalist state policy. The regime promoted a narrow understanding of Burmese national identity in which Buddhist-majority culture and ethnic nationalism assumed great importance. Anti-Indian and anti-Muslim attitudes intensified, leaving the Rohingya increasingly vulnerable.
The most decisive legal change was the 1982 Citizenship Law. In practice, it demanded proof of a connection to the country before 1823, prior to British colonisation. For many Rohingya who lacked formal documents after generations of conflict, flight and discrimination, this was almost impossible to prove. The law rendered most Rohingya stateless and effectively classified them as “Bengali” immigrants.
Military operations during this period intensified displacement. In 1975, persecution drove around 15,000 Rohingya into Bangladesh. In 1978, the authorities carried out Operation Nagamin, also known as “Dragon King.” Officially, it was intended to register citizens and identify “illegal immigrants.” In practice, it was accompanied by mass arrests, violence, rape, killings and destruction.
More than 200,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh during Operation Nagamin. Many were later repatriated under international and UN-related pressure, but returned to the same structures of discrimination that had forced them to flee.
New campaigns in 1989 and 1991–1992 drove a further approximately 250,000 Rohingya into exile. Operation Pyi Thaya—“Clean and Beautiful Nation”—in 1991–1992 was particularly brutal. It was accompanied by reports of killings, rape, forced labour, land confiscation, property destruction and systematic harassment.
Discrimination gradually became a comprehensive system of control. Rohingya were subjected to restrictions on movement, controls on marriage and childbirth, limitations on religious life, forced labour, exclusion from education and denial of healthcare. Statelessness left them vulnerable to arbitrary arrest, extortion and collective punishment.
7. The 1990s to the 2010s: Continuing Persecution and the 2012 Violence
The SLORC and SPDC military regimes continued to marginalise the Rohingya throughout the 1990s and 2000s. Even after limited political reforms in Myanmar, the Rohingya’s legal status did not fundamentally improve. They continued to live under restrictions, poverty and systematic discrimination.
In 2012, serious communal unrest erupted in Rakhine following an attack on a Rakhine woman. The violence quickly developed into extensive attacks against Rohingya communities. Security forces were accused of supporting Rakhine Buddhist groups or failing to protect the Rohingya.
Hundreds were killed and more than 140,000 people, mainly Rohingya, were internally displaced. Many were placed in camps under apartheid-like conditions, where they were denied freedom of movement, normal schooling, work, healthcare and a dignified community life.
The 2012 violence marked another turning point. It demonstrated that discrimination was not merely legal and administrative, but also physical and geographical. Rohingya were confined, isolated and deprived of the possibility of a normal life.
8. The 2016–2017 Genocide and “Clearance Operations”
The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) was established around 2013 under the leadership of Ataullah Abu Ammar Jununi. The group attacked police posts in October 2016 and again on 25 August 2017. Approximately 12 security personnel were killed in the attack of 25 August 2017.
Myanmar’s military, the Tatmadaw, responded with massive so-called “clearance operations.” From October 2016 to January 2017, Rohingya villages were burned, civilians killed, women subjected to sexual violence, and approximately 90,000 people fled to Bangladesh.
After 25 August 2017, the military campaign became even more brutal. Mass killings, mass rape, torture, the burning of hundreds of villages and the systematic destruction of Rohingya communities were reported. According to estimates including those of MSF, at least 6,700 Rohingya were killed in the first month, while other estimates are much higher, reaching up to 24,000 deaths.
More than 700,000–750,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh within a few weeks. Together with earlier refugee waves, this brought the total Rohingya population in the Cox’s Bazar camps close to or above one million.
The UN described the campaign as a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing” and pointed to indications of genocidal intent. The United States and several other countries later recognised the atrocities as genocide and crimes against humanity. Aung San Suu Kyi defended Myanmar’s military internationally, provoking strong criticism from human-rights groups and Rohingya organisations.
9. Flight to Bangladesh and Life in the Camps
Bangladesh has received Rohingya refugees since the 1970s, including major waves in 1978, 1991–1992 and 2017. After 2017, the Cox’s Bazar area—especially Kutupalong and surrounding camps—became the world’s largest refugee settlement.
Life in the camps is marked by overcrowding, poverty, restricted movement, limited rights to work, restricted access to formal education, fire hazards, landslides, floods and vulnerability to human trafficking and crime. Bangladesh has provided temporary protection, but regards the stay as temporary and limits the Rohingya’s ability to build normal lives.
Repatriation attempts have failed because conditions in Myanmar are unsafe. Without citizenship, security guarantees, property rights, international protection and accountability for abuses, the Rohingya do not dare return.
As of 2026, approximately 1.2–1.26 million Rohingya live in Bangladesh, including new arrivals from 2024 and 2025. Humanitarian funding is inadequate, and reduced support has worsened food shortages and access to education and healthcare. Many Rohingya have consequently attempted dangerous sea journeys towards Malaysia, Indonesia and other countries. Hundreds have died during maritime migration.
10. The 2021 Military Coup
Following the 2017 genocide, approximately 600,000 Rohingya remained in Myanmar, living under conditions widely described as apartheid-like. They were stateless and faced severe restrictions on freedom of movement, access to education, healthcare, employment, and political participation. Many remained internally displaced, while entire communities continued to live in isolation under constant surveillance.
The military coup of 1 February 2021 further worsened the situation across Myanmar. For the Rohingya, hopes for democratic reforms and improved human rights largely disappeared. The coup restored full military control, intensified armed conflict across the country, and made Rakhine State increasingly vulnerable to renewed fighting between the Myanmar military junta, the Arakan Army (AA), and other armed groups.
11. The Arakan Army and New Abuses (2023–2026)
The Arakan Army (AA) is an ethnic Rakhine armed organization fighting for greater autonomy in Rakhine State. In late 2023, the AA launched a major offensive against Myanmar’s military junta. Throughout 2024 and 2025, the group captured large parts of Rakhine State, including strategically important border areas.
Although the AA is fighting against Myanmar’s military, the group has also been accused of committing serious human rights abuses against Rohingya civilians. Some Rakhine nationalist groups continue to regard the Rohingya as outsiders or accuse them of collaborating with the military junta. At the same time, Myanmar’s military reportedly forced or pressured some Rohingya into military service against the AA, increasing the risk of collective punishment against the broader Rohingya population.
Human rights organizations and Rohingya sources have documented allegations against the AA and affiliated forces, including forced labor, forced recruitment, child recruitment, arbitrary detention, the use of civilians as human shields, killings, village burnings, drone attacks, indiscriminate shelling, and the forced displacement of Rohingya civilians in Maungdaw and Buthidaung.
One of the most serious reported incidents occurred in the Hoyyar Siri area of Buthidaung Township in May 2024. Rohingya sources and several human rights organizations reported that AA forces killed a large number of Rohingya civilians. Estimates vary widely, ranging from around 170 to more than 500 victims, including men, women, and children. The village was reportedly destroyed, while survivors were relocated to camps where they later reported additional abuses and severe restrictions.
During 2024 and 2025, further reports emerged of drone strikes, shootings, and the burning of Rohingya villages in Maungdaw and Buthidaung, forcing tens of thousands of people to flee once again. At the same time, the AA engaged in fighting against ARSA and other Rohingya armed groups, further worsening the security situation for civilians.
Organizations including Human Rights Watch, Fortify Rights, and others have described several of these reported acts as possible war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Arakan Army has denied many of the allegations, acknowledged only isolated incidents, and maintained that its operations target armed groups rather than civilians. Nevertheless, available reports indicate that Rohingya civilians have once again become trapped between multiple armed actors and subjected to collective violence.
The fighting in Rakhine also triggered another wave of displacement. An estimated 150,000 to 200,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh during 2024–2025, adding to the already massive refugee population living in Cox’s Bazar.
12. The Situation in Mid-2026
As of mid-2026, the Rohingya crisis remains one of the world’s longest-running refugee crises and one of its most serious ongoing protection emergencies.
Inside Myanmar, Rohingya continue to live under statelessness, internal displacement, severe movement restrictions, and constant insecurity. They remain vulnerable to abuses committed by multiple armed actors, including the military junta, the Arakan Army, ARSA, and other armed groups operating in Rakhine State.
In Bangladesh, more than one million Rohingya continue to live in overcrowded refugee camps without a durable solution. Although humanitarian assistance provides essential support, refugees remain unable to live normal lives. Most cannot freely work, pursue higher education, travel, or plan for a secure future.
International legal efforts to achieve accountability have progressed, but enforcement remains limited. Proceedings before international courts and ongoing investigations into allegations of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes have provided hope for justice. However, many of those responsible for serious violations have yet to be held accountable.
Climate change, devastating fires, floods, landslides, human trafficking, secondary migration, and growing insecurity inside the camps continue to worsen the humanitarian situation. Many Rohingya families have now spent decades living in displacement—without citizenship, without a homeland, and without certainty about their future.
13. Root Causes and the Path Toward a Lasting Solution
The history of the Rohingya reveals a continuous pattern of persecution: from their longstanding historical presence in Arakan, through colonial-era tensions, the violence of 1942, the denial of citizenship following the 1982 Citizenship Law, the military operations of 1978 and 1991–1992, the communal violence of 2012, the genocide of 2017, and the renewed abuses committed during the conflict in Rakhine after 2023.
The underlying causes of the crisis remain largely unchanged: the denial of citizenship, ethnic nationalism, religious discrimination, military impunity, and the absence of inclusive and representative governance in Rakhine State. A sustainable solution therefore requires far more than humanitarian assistance alone.
A just and lasting solution must be based on the full recognition of the Rohingya as an indigenous community of Myanmar, restoration of their citizenship, and recognition of their identity. It must also include the right to safe, voluntary, and dignified return under international guarantees; accountability for atrocities committed from 1942 to the present; restitution of confiscated land and property; freedom of movement; equal access to education and healthcare; and meaningful political participation in the future governance of Arakan/Rakhine State.
The recurring cycle of violence—from 1942, through successive military operations, to the present conflict—demonstrates a prolonged failure to provide protection, justice, and reconciliation. The history of the Rohingya is therefore not only a story of persecution and displacement. It is also a story of belonging, survival, resilience, and an enduring struggle for justice.
Sources and Further Reading
This report is based on historical research, United Nations reports, Human Rights Watch, Fortify Rights, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), UNHCR, academic publications, and developments through 2026. Because the situation remains dynamic and the conflict is ongoing, casualty figures and other statistics may vary among different sources. For publication purposes, specific figures and events should be supported by footnotes or a dedicated references page.
Historical Sources
1825 Map of Mrauk-U (Arakan) – Wikimedia Commons.
British Museum – Print and Book Illustration of the Capital of Arakan.
Network Myanmar – Historical background papers on Mrauk-U and Arakan.
TourHQ – Historical background on Mrauk-U and the Santikan (Shindhikhan) Mosque.
Burma Library – 1872 Census Extract on Arakan.
Rohingya Project – Rohingya Historical Archive Pilot Report.
Editorial Note
This article has been prepared and adapted from the historical research of the Rohingya Community in Norway (RCN). It is based on historical scholarship, United Nations reports, documentation from human rights organizations, and developments through 2026. Population figures and casualty estimates may vary between different sources due to the ongoing conflict and differing research methodologies.